Much ado over a few valves…

My previous post on Kudankulam got some online and offline feedback. I partly invited criticism with my screwup in claiming that the reports of ZiO-Podolsk corruption were from a single source, a Norwegian NGO (who quoted a Russian agency report that I couldn’t find). I was quickly alerted to the Russian original, which is more credible than a Norwegian NGO. But it is still a single source, which is mystifying to me. A report that is not followed up is like an experiment that is not repeated. Initial media reports are often erroneous and a full picture appears only later. What is the full picture here and why has nobody reported on it? It is mystifying to me, but I don’t buy the conspiracy theory that there is a deliberate international media blackout on this.

Be that as it may, the anti-nuclear activists are trying to link that story to reports that four valves in Kudankulam were found to be defective. The facts that these are part of additional safety features requested by the Indian side, that they were detected in time, that AERB clearance will only be given after full testing, are all unimportant, it seems.

It is good to see the minute concern exhibited over four defective valves in an installation the size of Kudankulam. Can we have the same concern for non-nuclear installations all over the country? Just in the past one month we have seen a fertilizer factory explosion in Texas and a garment factory collapse in Bangladesh, both with heavy loss of life. Here in India we have seen numerous disasters over the years, from Bhopal to the Uphaar cinema fire to the Kumbakonam school tragedy to the Mantralaya fire to numerous firework accidents in Sivakasi, and that doesn’t include buses plunging into ravines, trains ramming vehicles at unmanned crossings, brake failures in poorly maintained public buses, and so on. If an iota of the concern for detail exhibited in Kudankulam (both by the NPCIL and by the protestors) were applied elsewhere, we could save thousands of lives a year.

Anti-nuclear motto: Protest, don’t verify?

UPDATE 06 May 2013: The Supreme Court has rejected the stay petition, after hearing arguments and debating for months (the ruling was originally expected in January). Presumably the Russian story matter, below, was brought up too [edit: it wasn't brought up in the hearings, but a petition was filed in April; I am not sure whether it was admitted but the court was certainly aware of this concern).. They have directed the AERB and NPCIL to ensure safety, but they did not need such directions: India's nuclear safety record is among the best in the world. Will this bring the matter to rest? I'm not holding my breath...

ANOTHER UPDATE 06 May 2013: I also got an objection to the claim that Gopalakrishnan "put words into" M R Srinivasan's mouth. Gopalakrishnan in fact quotes Srinivasan, as quoted by the TOI, leaving out a crucial clause. Srinivasan originally said: "We sought an additional safety mechanism well before the Fukushima disaster..." (my emphasis) but Gopalakrishnan left out the last five words in his quote, leaving the deliberate impression that this has something to do with the ZiO-Podolsk case. And I wonder why Gopalakrishnan, a former AERB chairman, couldn't just ring up Srinivasan and get an original quote for his article.



UPDATE -- after I wrote the following, the scientist that I mention mailed me the links to the Russian agency story. Google translate links: 1, 2. So there really was a story in the Russian agency, and some, at least, of the Indian media (as well as the scientist in question) may well have verified it, so I take back those remarks. But the lack of follow-up, in the Russian media itself and in international media, is puzzling. How important was this fraud to the safety of nuclear reactors, and is the investigation ongoing or dropped?


I have been puzzled by a spate of recent articles claiming that the procurement director of ZiO-Podolsk, nuclear supplier, was arrested for procuring substandard steel and pocketing the difference. Here, for example, is former AERB chairman A. Gopalakrishnan demanding that the safety of the Kudankulam plant be audited. A Google search for ZiO-Podolsk throws up dozens of articles on sites like dianuke and countercurrents, making the same claim.

All of these (including Gopalakrishnan's opinion piece) refer ultimately to one article from February 2012, from the website of a Norwegian NGO called Bellona. The article claims that the news first appeared in Russia's official news agency Rosbalt. But they provide no link (surely it must exist, and Google Translate is adequate for these tasks) [update - see update on top], and it has not appeared in any other international media. Some, like activist Nityanand Jayaraman in Tehelka, call it a “curious” “media silence” implying some sort of conspiracy. But if there were any truth in it, it would have been of front-page importance internationally, especially in a world still worrying about Fukushima.

[update -- I retract the insinuations in this paragraph and the following one, but retain the text here for the record; see update on top] The lack of any supporting evidence has not stopped Indian activists parroting this claim without verification, and many in the media lapping it up. But I was disappointed to receive a mail today from a scientist requesting that I sign a petition, based on this claim, that Kudankulam’s safety be reviewed. Scientists and journalists have this in common: it is their professional duty to verify claims before repeating them. In both cases, verification is done by a few reputable individuals and published in respected venues, and then the rest of the community accepts the claims until proven otherwise. How can a scientist accept a claim that only ever appeared in one NGO’s website, over a year ago, but has suddenly gone viral over the past three months?

Does anyone remember the hoax about alleged Nazi war criminal Johann Bach, that took in large parts of the Indian media? The ZiO-Podolsk story may not be a hoax, but it does demonstrate the media’s propensity to publish anything they find on the interwebs without the least effort to verify where it came from.

Gopalakrishnan’s article is disappointing in many other ways. He puts words into the mouths of various atomic energy officials, including former chairman M R Srinivasan, but never provides a link or reference, and peppers his article with weasel-words. He insinuates that problems with valves are behind the delay in operationalising Kudankulam, and that these problems are linked with the alleged ZiO-Podolsk scandal. But it is well-known that the Supreme Court’s ruling on a stay petition has been awaited for months (some reports say it will arrive tomorrow). Why look for conspiracies when there are obvious explanations? Indeed, isn’t it just a little dubious to first file a petition demanding a stay, and then say that there is something suspicious about the delay?

The anti-Kudankulam agitation reveals a lot about our country, most of it not complimentary.

How not to modernise a university: Dinesh Singh’s ham-handed efforts at reform

Below is a note from the St Stephen’s College Physics Department, that I’m sharing with permission.



(posted by Abhinav Gupta, Physics Department, St Stephen’s College, on Facebook; reproduced with permission)

The Four Year Programme – a Physics Department’s perspective



Delhi University’s proposed four-year undergraduate programme – to begin in July 2013– has been much in the news. It has been opposed by members of the teaching community for various reasons – need, procedure, infrastructure, cost, inadequacy, etc –, many of which are indeed good enough to give one pause. But suppose that one accepts, for the sake of argument, that a four-year undergraduate programme is desirable. One might then ask: Is this the kind of four-year programme we want? Is it even the four-year programme that its fond founders wanted? The answers appear to be: no and no.

The advertised reasons for introducing a four-year undergraduate programme were that it would be more flexible, more inter-disciplinary, and more in tune with undergraduate programmes across the world. The programme that is now being pushed through is in fact extraordinarily inflexible, inter-disciplinary in a rather strange way, and quite out of tune with four-year programmes anywhere in the world.

Flexibility and Inter-disciplinarity

The inflexibility of programme appears at various stages. A student enters the programme having already chosen his major discipline (DC1) and does not have the option to change at any stage. The four-year bachelor’s-degree programmes in the US – presumably the inspiration for Delhi University – allow students to make an informed choice of major after appropriate sampling. The same principle is followed in a more limited sense in the four-year BS at IISc-Bangalore and the integrated five-year BSc-MSc at the various IISERs, where students take common courses over a broad spectrum of disciplines – all in science – in the first two years, and then choose a major. (There exists no comparable programmes in the arts in India.) In DU’s programme, students will indeed get a broad exposure in the first two years, since all students will do the same 11 mandatory foundation courses (FCs); however, they will not be able to use this exposure to make an informed choice of major (DC1), since this choice will already have been made at the time of entry. Furthermore, the FCs Delhi University has decided upon are not exactly the kind of courses that would help a student to discover his abilities and inclinations effectively enough to make a choice of discipline. Given that the second discipline (DC2) and the Applied Courses (ACs) offer the only real flexibility available in the four-year programme, it would have made sense to design the FCs in a manner that permitted intelligent choice. Even if we take it as given that the core discipline is chosen at the time of admission, the sheer volume of the Foundation Courses overwhelms the core courses in the first year.

An even stranger and more incomprehensible inflexibility appears later in the programme: all students who have chosen physics, for example, as DC1, must do exactly the same courses for all four years. At no time are there any optional courses available – at least there are none in the proposed physics syllabus. To appreciate how strange this is, one must understand that a student will generally discover after two years of college-level physics whether his inclinations and abilities lie in experimental or theoretical physics, whether he is interested in astrophysics or biophysics. Any sensible programme – especially one that advertises itself as flexible – will therefore have a range of optional courses available to its students in the later years. This is something that could have been fairly easily implemented even within the present scheme, and in fact the first draft of the physics syllabus assumed that such choices would be available in the fourth year – but apparently the University shot down all options.

Abolishing the Pass Degree Programmes

Delhi University at the moment offers two kinds of degrees: pass (called BSc Programme and BA Programme) and honours. The vast majority of students are enrolled in the pass degree programmes, which are designed to give their students exposure to a range of subjects without specialization in any one. The honours programmes on the other hand, require students to specialize in one subject, and are designed for academic pursuits. In the four-year programme, even those who leave after three years with a non-honours degree will essentially follow an honours-like track, in that they will specialize in one course (DC1).With the merging of the honours and pass tracks it may be very difficult for Delhi University to maintain the standard of the syllabi and examinations. (There is a recent precedent for this. A few years ago, when BSc General was changed to BSc Programme, the syllabus proposed for the new Programme was such that a very large number of students failed the examinations in the first year. With a couple of years the standard was substantially lowered to allow students to pass.). There is real apprehension that the University will eventually dumb down the the syllabus to simply pass more students.

The number of students who benefit from a high-level programme may be very small in number, but it is on their training and success that the reputation of a university depends. Delhi University would be very much the poorer if these students decided to go elsewhere. At the same time, the interests of those who want a broad but adequate exposure to several areas will also not be served in the four-year degree programme (even if exited after three years).

Exit Options

The four-degree programme will allow a student to exit after two years with an Associate Baccalaureate degree, after three years with a Baccalaureate degree, and after four years with a Baccalaureate with Honours or a BTech. The first option is a rather strange one. A student who leaves after two years will evidently not be considered a “graduate” for the purposes of employment or admission to any Master’s (or MBA!) programme. In the Indian context it is not clear what the purpose of the two-year “degree” is.

The same lack of clarity is evident in the status of a student who graduates with a four-year honours degree. Will there be a one-year MSc degree available for such students? – and not just at Delhi University but all over the country? (And will there also be a two-year MSc available for students from other universities, and for those who exit the four-year programme after three years?) If most MSc programmes in India (e.g. the much-sought-after MSc programmes at the IITs) continue to be two years long, what incentive will the best DU students have to stay on for the fourth year? Will students seeking admission into research institutes like TIFR and IISc be admitted to the integrated MSc-PhD programme meant for graduates, or directly into the PhD programme meant for Master’s degree holders? At the moment, the status of the Delhi University M.Sc program itself is not clear. With the best Masters and Integrated PhD programmes in India not requiring an Honours degree as a prerequisite (just a three year science degree), the best students will try to get admission to these places after three years.

The point really is not the details but this – when India’s biggest and most important public university makes as large a change as the one proposed, it cannot do so in isolation. Delhi University is part of a country-wide system, within which it must be accommodated. A change from a three-year to a four-year degree is not in itself unthinkable, intrinsically unacceptable, or necessarily inferior to a three-year programme. But such an enormous change requires time – time for the university concerned to carefully study pre-existing programmes of this kind and ask how they might be adapted to its needs; time to work out how the programme fits into the larger Indian academic scene; time to work out the ramifications for students and faculty; and time, also, to consult all interested parties and carry them along. The manic haste with which the change is being effected and the abandonment of all protocol and thoughtfulness are deeply distressing to all those of us who must ultimately make real what has been dreamt up.

The views expressed here are the personal views of all permanent faculty members of The Physics Department, St. Stephen’s College, University of Delhi. These do not necessarily represent the views of St. Stephen’s College.



Now, my thoughts.

I studied in Delhi University, and, in fact, grew up on its campus. I have an attachment to the place (though I haven’t visited for years), a respect for its history and its continuing achievements, and, I believe, a realistic opinion of where it stands in India and in the world. Recently the university has been in the news for its drastic overhaul of the undergraduate programme, across all disciplines, converting it to an allegedly more flexible 4-year programme with a choice of courses and exit options at years 2, 3 and 4. It sounds very good on paper, and got a lot of positive media coverage at the time, but it is clear that many of those who are in charge of implementing it — the teachers — were not happy.

Early criticisms focused on the haste and the authoritarian way in which the changes were implemented. It was easy to see these criticisms as obstructionist, put forward by people unwilling to change. But many of the critics are highly respected and committed teachers and researchers. Now that the new syllabus has been finalised, with minimal interaction, it seems clear just how bad it really is.

Let me focus on science here since that is my area. Contrary to some earlier claims, the 4-year bachelor’s programme is not the first of its kind in India: as the St Stephen’s note observes, the Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore, started one two years ago. And the idea of making a programme flexible and providing a “foundation” across disciplines was already pioneered by the IISERs, in their integrated B.Sc./M.Sc programme. What Dinesh Singh, the vice chancellor of Delhi University, has done is to reject all this experience from other institutions to design an utterly rigid programme, with no flexibility in choosing majors or even in taking optional courses, that seems to be in no way an improvement on what exists currently.

Disclosure: I knew Dinesh Singh when I was a student at St Stephen’s. I was directed to him when I had a question about measures and uncountability (he pointed out where I was wrong, but I now realise that there are deeper issues here that have caused controversy since the early 20th century). He seemed an enthusiastic pedagogue committed to the cause of undergraduate education. A little later, he started an outfit called the Mathematical Sciences Foundation, which was a good idea and generated much enthusiasm, but did not stay free of controversy. What I was disappointed by was that he made no effort to tie up with any Indian institution, but had a partnership with the University of Houston instead whereby students, after studying one year at his Foundation, would go to Houston for a degree programme. There were several corporate supporters, such as ICICI Bank and NASSCOM, but the one Indian academic interaction the foundation had, with St Stephen’s College (which originally housed the Foundation), collapsed acrimoniously.(*) Singh’s position, as I understood it (I may be wrong), seemed to be that all Indian institutions are irredeemably bureaucratic and inflexible. It is strange that such a man chose to become vice-chancellor of one of the largest Indian universities (he earlier headed the south campus of Delhi University). But, having taken up that job, it appears that he did not develop any new respect for his academic colleagues at the University. Worse, he did not learn from the best practices at universities elsewhere in the world. The result, as the document from St Stephen’s describes, is a disaster in the making. The result fails to take account of the needs of Delhi University students, who come from very diverse backgrounds; it fails to learn from international experience or make use of best international practices; it completely ignores prior Indian experience in flexible teaching; it has alienated the majority of the teachers, who are the ones meant to implement the programme; and, despite taking a year longer than the current honours programmes, it does not provide any additional educational value. (It does, however, make it easier to apply for master’s programmes in the USA, which require four years of undergraduate education.)

All I can say is, I am glad I am not looking to do an undergraduate degree in Delhi today.

(*)I can’t help contrasting the Mathematical Sciences Foundation with another institution that started around the same time with the same goal of fostering undergraduate mathematical education, with private-sector support. Started in 1989 as part of the SPIC Science Foundation, and autonomous since 1996, the Chennai Mathematical Institute has successfully run its own degree programme, originally in association with Bhoj Open University, and now independently as a deemed university. It maintains active links with several Indian academic institutions including mine. But the key point, it seems to me, is that CMI did not start with the assumption that existing institutions in India were atrociously bad and to be steered clear from. A man who is vice-chancellor of a university as large, diverse, prestigious and historically important as Delhi University needs to have a proven record of being able to work with others respectfully. Dinesh Singh’s record was quite the opposite.



UPDATE 04/05/13: Added a disclaimer to the physics department note, on request.

Science blogging from the top…

Some time back I wrote on how science bloggers in India tend to be non-anonymous. Importantly, the senior guys do it too, even in a semi-official capacity.

Example 1: Ram Ramaswamy, has what he calls an “Unofficial Blog of the VC, University of Hyderabad”. It may be unofficial but he puts his name and designation on what he says, and that’s important.

Example 2: K VijayRaghavan, till recently director of NCBS Bangalore and now Secretary, Department of Biotechnology, Government of India, has initiated an official DBT blog. The posts don’t carry authorship but Vijay regularly replies to comments with his real name (as he does on other blogs, including this one).

These are not just promotional fluff either (like the “official blogs” of various Very Big Corporations of America), but discuss real issues like gender issues, streamlining of administration, and other ways to improve these institutions. And they also remind others that they too have a stake in these organisations and can speak up. Ideally, it should be like a coffee table where everyone is invited.

Update: From comments below, here are other examples — Dheeraj Sanghi, former director of LNMIIT, Jaipur, and currently Dean — Academic Affairs at IIT Kanpur (I read his blog regularly but didn’t know the positions he holds/has held); Pankaj Jalote, director of IIT Delhi; and others network via Facebook or other social media (Sudhir Jain of IIT Gandhinagar is mentioned). As a medium to discuss, I personally prefer Google+ to Facebook, and blogs to G+, but as a way to reach out to the maximum number of young people, Facebook is by far the best these days.

When an ambassador lies to the highest court, does he lose immunity?

In the festering case of the Italian marines who went home after assurances from Italy’s ambassador to India that they would return, and have not, India’s Supreme Court has said that they have “no trust” in Italy’s ambassador and, moreover, suggested that he does not have immunity.

It is unprecedented for a Supreme Court of a country to say that the ambassador of another country does not have diplomatic immunity. It is also unprecedented for an ambassador to give an undertaking to the highest court that is then reneged on. It will be interesting to see how it resolves.

As far as I can understand it from the media, the argument is based on article 32 of the Vienna convention, which says “The initiation of proceedings by a diplomatic agent or by a person enjoying immunity from jurisdiction under article 37 shall preclude him from invoking immunity from jurisdiction in respect of any counterclaim directly connected with the principal claim”. (Section 37 explains who else has immunity.) In fact, one report claims that Ambassador Mancini explicitly invoked Article 32 in filing his affidavit for the marines. So if he, by his affidavit, can be said to have “initiated proceedings”, then arguably he does not have immunity from counterclaims like perjury or contempt.

But whatever happens, the lesson is: don’t trust an Italian diplomat’s word. Is that really the message the Italian government wants to give the world?

Today Google Reader, tomorrow Google Scholar?

The rather strange decision by Google to shut down Google Reader has caused some alarming speculation. What if they next shut down Google Scholar? Here’s Farhad Manjoo, and here’s Joshua Gans. (via the Dish)

Google Scholar has truly revolutionised research by:

  • Making it easy, and fast, to search for relevant literature
  • Making it easy to export references (including in bibtex)
  • Showing up multiple copies of the same paper, including pdfs archived on personal webpages — especially useful if the official one is paywalled (I’m sure people like Elsevier aren’t happy about that)
  • And, of course, giving citation statistics for free.

Would Google really close Scholar? Hard to imagine, but it was hard to imagine they’d kill Google Reader (and keep Orkut alive!) The nearest free alternative I can think of is PubMed but that’s mainly bio-med and, even there, falls far short of what Scholar offers (but also offers things Scholar doesn’t, like full text for many papers).

Besides, Google’s day won’t last forever. Right now they are obscenely rich and powerful, and can afford to subsidise these unprofitable things with the idea of attracting mindshare among academic types. But what if Google’s other businesses decline significantly?

Manjoo says Google isn’t a public utility. Very true. He also observes that this is a risk of the “cloud” — if the software doesn’t live on your hard disk, it can be pulled anytime. He therefore advocates paying for any online service we find useful. In general I agree, but only when they ask for money, and I didn’t notice Google asking Reader users for any. But it is imperative to build a public version of Google Scholar. PubMed is good for its field, but too narrow. It needs to be replicated on a larger scale, by many countries.

Government blocks a UGC webpage

Ok, I’m being deliberately sensational here, but this is too good to be true. In an attempt to protect management institute IIPM from criticism, the government has ordered blocking of 70 websites critical of IIPM. The list includes a notification on UGC’s site that IIPM is not a university and does not have the power to grant degrees. Details at Medianama and LiveMint (via Shivam Vij on facebook). Apparently this was ordered by a court in Gwalior.

IIPM head Arindam Chaudhuri may not be above the law, but apparently our lower courts deem him above the UGC.

Meanwhile, feel free to read this article by Shivam, reposted after the original link was blocked.

Despite the order, Abi reports that some sites remain accessible. Unfortunately his own previous posts are blocked, at least by Airtel in Chennai. Or maybe the government just decided to unblock the most ridiculous examples like the UGC one — but if they can defy the court on that, surely they can defy it for the rest too?

Unrelatedly, Abi finds that his posts on the Anil Potti (Duke) scientific fraud case have been taken down by Google. This seems to be in response to a DMCA complaint — the DMCA being one of the more chilling acts of legislation in recent US history. Again, he’s not alone. If a law strong-armed through the US congress by big media companies in the 1990s to (allegedly) protect their content can now be used to squelch commentary on scientific fraud, we live in interesting times.

Rahul Cherian

I met Rahul Cherian a few weeks ago when my colleague V S Sunder organised a talk by him on intellectual property and disabled rights. The topic of intellectual property versus sharing of information is of great interest to me — I have used Linux since 1994, watched first the arXiv and then the open access movement undermine the power of academic publishers, and firmly believe that copyright law and other intellectual property laws exist for the public good and not for private profit (except to the extent that private profit benefits public good). This was (as Rahul noted) the original rationale for copyright law in the US, which limited copyrights to 14 years, then 28, then more and more; today’s copyright terms extend well past the expected lifetimes of authors, or indeed their children or grandchildren, and therefore provide no possible extra incentive to create work. But there is a considerable incentive for corporate “content owners” to prolong copyrights, so it gets extended every time Mickey Mouse is due to enter the public domain.

Rahul’s talk was about how this clashes with the needs of the differently abled, and in particular the visually disabled. Braille books and audiobooks are a necessity, but it is illegal to copy a textbook no matter how noble the cause, and publishers don’t tend to be proactive in doing this. Rahul spoke about the international efforts to allow copyright exemptions in such cases, India’s rather progressive laws in this regard, the opposition it faces from big media in the US and Europe (who fear any such relaxation as the first step on a slippery slope), and the hope of a new international regime that will allow volunteers or organisations in the US or Europe to convert texts to audiobooks and export them to the differently abled in India. His talk encompassed the legal, social and technological aspects in an extraordinarily authoritative manner, and I thoroughly enjoyed it. Not being an expert and not having taken notes, I haven’t done justice to it at all. But the website of the organisation he founded, Inclusive Planet, is a good place to start.

After the talk, Rahul reminded me that we had in fact met, years earlier as students in Bangalore (he was at NLSIU and I was at IISc). I remembered him well at that point. His lively and warm personality, and his personal connection after so many years, made an impact on me: I made a mental note to stay in touch with him and learn more about the work that they were doing.

And now he is no more — having cheated death several times, starting from a childhood surgery for a malignant spinal tumour, he was claimed by septicemia following a sudden illness while on holiday with his family in Goa.

Read Sunder’s tribute here, Lawrence Liang’s here, Jo Chopra’s here. And there are several others around the web including on Inclusive Planet’s webpage.

Nandy, part 3

My previous two posts about Ashis Nandy were based on his clarifying statements, not on what he actually said in Jaipur (that I had not seen). Thanks to S Anand in Outlook magazine, who links to the video and also transcribes it carefully, we know exactly what happened.

I would like to see how Nandy’s defenders handle this.

I still don’t support arresting Nandy but I totally understand those who do. We don’t have a US-First-Amendment-style free speech in this country. This is hate speech extremely bigoted speech by any measure. [UPDATE 03/02/13: On reflection I feel "hate speech" is not appropriate. See comments below.] Nandy’s gestures and intonation are as important as what he said. As Anand (who also doesn’t support arresting Nandy) points out, if we support Nandy on free speech grounds, we must also support thugs like Thackeray and Owaisi.

Why do I not support arresting Nandy? I’m not actually sure. And that may be revealing. I think the US takes free speech too far, but I also think India takes protestors too seriously. If Nandy were a politician campaigning on a platform of hatred against lower castes, I may think differently. But he is not a politician, but a self-styled “political psychologist” who ought to be irrelevant, and in his own warped way he believes he is defending them, not attacking them. If he ceases to receive invitations from serious forums, if the media ceases to solicit articles from him, if we stop buying his books, that is surely adequate.

As for people like Gautam Barua who want me to apologise: let me put it this way. When I am angry, a personal test for me is whether my anger decreases or increases with time. If the former, I usually do apologise. In this case, let’s just say no apology is forthcoming. Barua accuses me of ‘reacting like a “scientist”, with “facts”‘. Well, ok. Last I checked, psychologists regarded themselves as scientists too and their statements are as data-driven as those of physicists or biologists, if necessarily a little less rigorous.

Ashis Nandy needs to decide whether he is a “political psychologist” or just a cocktail-party muckraker. And if the former, let him produce the data.

Criticise, marginalise, but don’t martyr Ashis Nandy!

[edit] also see update below.


Ashis Nandy’s comments — and subsequent statement — at the Jaipur Literary Festival on the alleged tendency for corruption among the backward castes, which I addressed in my previous post, are so absurdly stupid that they ought to be sufficient to condemn him to irrelevance. Sadly, for some people, that’s not enough. As noted in the first link above, several politicians and other groups have called for his arrest. The Jaipur police have reportedly asked for a video of his remarks.

What Nandy said is not criminal and it is a pity that some people want to make him a martyr to free speech: it is more than he deserves. And it is a pity that this happens repeatedly at the JLF. Last year, after Salman Rushdie was advised on dubious grounds not to come, some authors hid behind the JLF’s coat-tails to read from his work, and promptly left town. I am not aware of their having repeated the performance elsewhere. (I wrote about that, and my take on Rushdie’s Verses, here.)

Rushdie’s book should never have been banned, and a religion that has existed for well over a millennium does not need this sort of protection. The continuing poor treatment of Rushdie by this country is a disgrace.

Now, I can see that Nandy is not necessarily in the same category. Dalits, adivasis and other backward castes continue to be looked down upon by the privileged, who, whatever they may say in public, speak of them in shockingly contemptuous terms in private. No doubt Nandy does so too. His error was to say it at India’s most prominent literary festival. His statement, that these people are irredeemably corrupt, plays into every stereotype that the elite carry about the backward castes (some of which were officially classified as congenitally criminal not so long ago). And he then proceeds to assuage the liberal-elite conscience by his justification that their alleged corruption somehow “equallises” the misdeeds of the elite. He even (more or less) accuses his daughter of having benefited from nepotistic favours engineered by him. And, most striking of all, he seems genuinely surprised that anyone should object to these remarks.

The reality, of course, is that corruption has been primarily the preserve of the upper-caste elite that have dominated India’s bureaucracy since independence; even today, when lower-caste politicians have risen to dominance and lower castes are making inroads into the civil services, their corruption pales compared to what is practised by the traditional elite and the industrial classes; and people like Ashis Nandy are sad reminders of the decadence and irrelevance of our “intelligentsia”.

So I can understand the anger of many people at these atrocious remarks. But, please, when he is in a hole, let him keep digging. He deserves scorn, but he does not deserve punitive action, and he certainly does not deserve martyrdom.


[Update, 29/1/2013] I started writing the above intending to simply say, “don’t arrest Ashis Nandy or hound him for this, just ignore him”. But annoyance at his claims got the better of me. Take for example his extended justification to CNN-IBN, here.

Nandy says (like many of his defenders below) that he said what he did as part of a “most aggressively pro-Dalit, pro-OBC, pro-Adivasi plea.” Sorry, that’s not a justification. If someone claimed that Indians are corrupt, but this corruption will serve to equalise the more subtle corruption in the developed world, I don’t think most Indians will feel flattered by that. Maybe Nandy’s intentions were good but we know what sort of road is paved with those.

Nandy reiterates that “elite corruption” is seen as “benevolence”, as if that is the only sort of corruption that exists. Yes, A Raja got a lot of headlines, and so did Mayawati. But so does Jayalalithaa, who is a Brahmin and continues to be under trial in a 16-year-old disproportionate assets case. Anyone who has dealt with Indian bureaucracy knows that corruption pervades it and has nothing to do with caste. Nobody that I know of sees it as “benevolence” either.

Nandy says, on rationalising the corruption of SCs/STs/OBCs: “This is dangerous. But I was not talking about individuals. I’m talking of collectivities which are at the margin of desperation.” But the people who benefit from SC/ST corruption are the corrupt individuals! How have the marginalised collectivities benefited from the money pocketed by A Raja or Mayavati? How has all this headline-grabbing corruption been in any way an “equalising” force for them? If Mayawati and her party, as alleged, defrauded the NREGA in Uttar Pradesh to the tune of Rs 10,000 crores — that was money meant to pay the rural unemployed for work — how is that an equalising force?

OK, this is beginning to become bad for my blood pressure, so I will stop now. Gautam Barua, below, wants me to apologise. Ha. I will certainly sign any petition to say that Nandy should be left alone by the police and the politicians. But what he said, and what some of his supporters say, disgusts me. Is this what our intellectual elite are about these days?

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